MODERN ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW Vol.5 新たなアジア研究に向けて5号
13/112

ArticlesThis memorial is a report by Hao Yulin concerning a derelict ship that had drifted from Ryukyu in the sixth month of the third year of Qianlong. Let us now compare the Manchu version with the Chinese version.○ In the Manchu version, Hao Yulin is “nadan jergi nonggiha” (“raised by seven ranks”), whereas in the Chinese version he is “加一級” (“raised by one rank”).○ In the Manchu version, the location where the ship drifted to is “tai jeo fu” (Taizhou-fu), but in the Chinese version it is “合州府” (“Hezhou-fu”). Regarding the latter discrepancy, it is quite clear that “Hezhou-fu” (in the Chinese version) is a mistake and that it should have been “Taizhou-fu.” Regarding the former discrepancy also, comparing the text to other records confirms that the Manchu version (“raised by seven ranks”) is correct. As for the passengers onboard the ship, whereas the Chinese version states “附搭客人石門等四名” (“the ship was also carrying four passengers, one of whom was named 石門,”), the Manchu version makes it clear that 石門 was a merchant in the phrase “kamciha hπdai niyalma ši men i jergi duin niyalma” (“The ship was also carrying four merchants, one of whom was a merchant named 石門”). We can therefore conclude that the Manchu version gives a more precise account than the Chinese version.18The second example we will look at is han i araha gucu hoki i leolen (Chinese title: Yu zhi peng dang lun). Around the time of the accession to the throne of the emperor Yongzheng (temple name: Shizong), the fifth Qing emperor, there was a trend among officials to form factional affiliations. Han i araha gucu hoki i leo-len (Chinese title: Yu zhi peng dang lun) was published by Emperor Yongzheng himself in the second year of his reign (1724) as an admonition against such a practice. It appears in this case that the text was first produced in Manchu and that the Chinese publication was based on this Manchu version. Both language versions of han i araha gucu hoki i leolen (Chinese title: Yu zhi peng dang lun) appeared, respectively, in a chapter of the 22nd volume of the Manchu and Chinese publications of Da qing shi zong xian huang di shi lu (hereunder “Records of Shizong”) entitled “Sixteenth Day of the Seventh Month of Yongzheng.” Both language versions of han i araha gucu hoki i leolen (Chinese title: Yu zhi peng dang lun) were also published in book form. Comparing (both language versions of) the contents of the discourse that appear in the “Records of Shizong” with (both language versions of) han i araha gucu hoki i leolen (Chinese title: Yu zhi peng dang lun) does reveal a number of disparities in the contents outside of the main section. However, in both the Manchu and Chinese versions, there does not appear to be any major difference between the main text of the contents in the “Records of Shizong” and the main text of han i araha gucu hoki i leolen (Chinese title: Yu zhi peng dang lun). On the other hand, if we compare the main text in the Manchu version with the main text in the Chinese version, we will find a number of discrepancies, such as content in the Manchu version that is missing in the Chinese version or content that differs between the two versions. Such discrepancies are particularly noticeable in the section that references Peng dang lun that was written by Ouyang Xiu, the well-known man of letters of the Song period who was one of the Eight Great Prose Masters of Tang and Song. Accordingly, I will show only this section.19 In this comparison, I will compare the relevant section from the Manchu language version of han i araha gucu hoki i leolen with the Chinese version that appears in “Records of Shizong” both of which are stored in the special collection of the Liaoning Provincial Library.First, the Manchu text.sung gurun i o yang sio i gucu hoki i leolen de, miosihon gisun be fukjin banjibufi, ambasa saisa 009

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