was much more elaborate and complex. The poetic flower symbolism of vetci (cattle raid), karantai (cattle recovery), vañji (chieftain’s raid), kΣñji (chieftain’s resistance of a raid) and tumpai (preparation for raid) show how institutionalized and common the plunder was. There is no evidence for the V∫ntar maintaining a ready troop of warriors like a standing army. They had only a set of people belonging to the fighter clan with kinship ties who could be mobilized instantaneously by the beating of a battle drum.The central argument of the paper is that the society in the Deccan as well as the Tamil macro region was largely non-stratified and, therefore, the postulation of the state is an anachronism. In the case of Deccan there was a bit of difference in culture due to the influence of both the Sramana as well as the Brahmana world views. Agro-pastoral clan settlements were more in the region compared to the situation in the Tamil country. However, the political formation of the chiefdom characterised both the regions, where absence of features such as stratified society, territory, standing army, bureaucracy, and periodic exaction is conspicuous. However, the chiefdom in the Deccan, relatively monetized and document based in its transactions, was fast heading towards the state. Contemporary political authority was determined by the range of redistributive social relationships sustained through predatory accumulation of resources. Until the expansion of wet-rice agriculture and spread of the new relations of production leaving the society class-structured, the chiefly lineages remained as part of the pre-state polity. Antecedents of the state formation involved transition from kin-labour to non-kin labour, multiple functionaries to hereditary occupation groups, clans to castes, clannish settlements to structured agrarian villages, and chiefdom to monarchy.BibliographyChampakalakshmi, R. et al. (eds.), State and Society in Pre-modern South India, Thrissur: Current Books, 2002.Claessen, H. J. M. and P. Skalnik (eds.), The Early State, The Hague, 1978.Gurukkal, R., Social Formations of Early South India, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2009Gurukkal, R. and Raghava Varier (eds.), Cultural History of Kerala, Trivandrum, 1999, pp. 257–263.Iyengar, P. T. S., History of the Tamils: From the Earliest Times to 600 A.D., Madras, 1929.Kailasapathy, K., Tamil Heroic Poetry, London, 1968.Krader, L., Formation of the State, London, 1968.Mirashi, V. V., History and Inscriptions of the Satavahanas and the Western Kshatrapas, Bombay, 1981.Pillai, S. V., History of Tamil Language and Literature, Madras: New Century Book House, (rpt.) 1988.Pillai, S. K. N., The Chronology of the Early Tamils, University of Madras, 1932.Seneviratne, S., “Kalinga and Andhra: The Process of Secondary State Formation in Early India”, Indian Historical Review, vol. VII (1-2), 1980–81.Service, E. R., The Origins of the State and Civilisation, London, 1982.Singaravelu, S., Social Life of the Early Tamils: Classical Period, Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya, 1966.Sivathamby, K., Studies in Ancient Tamil Society, Madras, 1998.Subrahmanian, N., Sangam Polity, Asia Pub House, 1966.Thapar, R., From Lineage to State, New Delhi, 1984.074MODERN ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW Vol.5